Friday, August 26, 2016

Lithium: Chile’s buried treasure

July 8, 2016 12:41 am

Lithium: Chile’s buried treasure

The vast salt flats of the Atacama desert are one of the best places in the world to extract the metal. So why is Chile falling behind as the market booms?
SQM’s lithium plant in the Atacama desert, Chile©Cristóbal Olivares
SQM’s lithium plant in the Atacama desert, Chile
A 600-mile-long strip of land between the Pacific Ocean and the snow-capped Andes, northern Chile’s Atacama is the world’s driest non-polar desert. Much of it is hostile to human life, and rainfall has yet to be recorded in some areas. Yet these conditions also make it one of the best places in the world to extract lithium, a soft, volatile metal that is found in the Earth’s crust.
Every week about a thousand workers travel by bus to a site in the north of the desert to work seven-day shifts on the salar, thousands of miles of salt flats that shine white in the glare of the sun. Most come from the nearby regions of Tarapacá and Antofagasta. They sleep in corrugated huts, in a small compound that has its own football field and an outdoor stage for movie nights. Twenty-four hours a day, every day of the year, a salty solution rich in lithium is pumped from deep beneath the desert into evaporation pools.
The concentrated brine that is produced is then driven west in small trucks to processing plants on Chile’s coast. There, it is refined into a powder and placed in large white bags before being sent around the world. Much of it travels across the Pacific to China, where it is used to create rechargeable ­batteries that power hundreds of millions of smartphones, digital cameras and laptops. Increasingly, it is being used in electric cars, too.
Lithium has been described by some analysts as “white petroleum”, a resource that could help the world move away from its dependence on fossil fuels and into a new era of battery-powered energy. Global climate agreements, tightening fuel economy standards and China’s attempts to tackle its pollution crisis all point towards a future in which batteries — and their component parts — will play an increasingly important role. Lithium-based batteries are lighter, charge faster and are able to store more energy than traditional ones, making them a strong contender to “replace gasoline as the primary source of transportation fuel”, according to analysts at Goldman Sachs, which published a report in December 2015 predicting that the size of the global lithium market could triple by 2025. The market is still relatively small — worth about $1bn a year — and not everyone agrees on the scale of growth to come. The raw material is time-­consuming to extract and refine, and other battery technologies that could displace lithium in a decade or two are in development. But even sceptics admit the material will probably become increasingly important as electric vehicles move towards mass-market adoption. China, where the government has set an ownership target of five million battery-electric and hybrid-electric vehicles on the road by 2020, could alone reshape the demand curve.
One of the site’s many evaporation ponds©Cristóbal Olivares
One of the site’s many evaporation ponds
Under the salar, Chile has enough lithium to supply the world for decades, but government quotas have meant production has barely increased even as demand has risen. The country’s slowness in exploiting its natural bounty is the result of corruption, rivalry and an unresolved debate around its natural resources that stretches back to the 1970s and the rule of former dictator Augusto Pinochet.
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A silvery-white metal that reacts violently with water and is so volatile that it is only found in compounds in nature, lithium was discovered by Johan August Arfwedson, a Swedish chemist, in 1817. The lightest of all metals, it offered industrial promise, but its inherent volatility was problematic. Until the late 20th century it was used mainly in the production of ceramics and glass and in greases for lubricating machine parts. Then, in the early 1970s, a young English scientist, Michael Stanley Whittingham, began to investigate potential battery materials at Stanford University.
A battery consists of an electrolyte (a substance that allows an electrical current to flow) and two electrodes, one negatively charged, the other positively charged. When a battery is turned on, electrical energy is released through the movement of electrons from negative to positive. Whittingham experimented with new combinations of materials to help store and release that energy, enabling the battery to recharge itself, and discovered that he could store lithium ions within layers of titanium disulphide to make a new kind of electrode. On the back of that research, he was hired by ExxonMobil to work on alternative energy projects just before the 1973 oil crisis hit. His team produced a rechargeable lithium-ion battery that worked at room ­temperature. The Exxon battery cells were exhibited at the Chicago electric vehicle show in 1977.
Work in progress at one of the ponds©Cristóbal Olivares
Work in progress at one of the ponds
“I think there was surprise: one, that there was a large lithium-ion battery and, two, that Exxon was doing it,” Whittingham recalls. At the time, the US was still the biggest producer and exporter of lithium, from mines in North Carolina, but just as Exxon’s battery was exhibited in Chicago, a Philadelphia-based mining company, Foote Mineral, began exploring for lithium in Chile’s Atacama. Foote had the blessing of Pinochet, who wanted to encourage foreign investment. The world looked set for a lithium boom. “Lithium: Will Short Supply Constrain Energy Technologies?” asked a 1976 ­article published in Science magazine.
But as oil prices fell in the following years, the appeal of electric vehicles declined. Exxon sold off Whittingham’s technology, and research into lithium-ion batteries largely returned to the domain of academics. Then John Goodenough, an American physicist working in Oxford in the early 1980s, invented a new combination of materials that improved the voltage and amount of energy a lithium-ion battery could store. That research, along with work in Japan, culminated in Sony introducing the first commercial rechargeable lithium-ion battery in 1991.
Smaller than a conventional battery, yet with higher capacity, lithium-ion batteries revolutionised the consumer electronics market, allowing Sony and others to produce handheld video cameras, laptops and, later, phones and tablets. In 2007, worldwide ownership of mobile phones passed the one billion mark; lithium batteries had cemented their position at the centre of our digital lives. A report by the US Geological Survey noted earlier this year: “Lithium supply security has become a top priority for technology companies in the United States and Asia.”
As the lithium-ion battery has become almost ubiquitous in consumer devices, the average price of the commodity has risen. But the amount needed to power a handheld camera or phone is still small: about five to seven grams of lithium carbonate equivalent (LCE) per phone. A mass market in electric vehicles could, however, significantly lift global demand; Goldman Sachs estimates that the Model S sedan, made by the US electric carmaker Tesla, uses 63kg of LCE in its battery — the equivalent content of about 10,000 mobile phones. Although there is no standardised price for lithium, the London-based research group Benchmark Mineral Intelligence estimates that prices for the most commonly used variety of lithium, lithium carbonate, have risen more than 100 per cent since 2005, and will continue to rise until 2018, when new supply is expected to stabilise the market.
While early hybrid vehicles used nickel-metal hydride batteries, lithium-ion is now the dominant technology in electric cars. Whittingham says he expects the usefulness of lithium batteries to last “longer than our lifetimes”.
Although the price of lithium has risen in recent years, greater efficiencies in the manufacturing process have pulled down the cost of lithium-ion battery packs from $1,000 per kilowatt-hour in 2010, to about $350/kWh, according to Bloomberg New Energy Finance (BNEF). The prototype Model 3 that Tesla unveiled in March, which is due for delivery in 2017, has a battery cost of just $200/kWh according to estimates from Bernstein Research. BNEF predicts that the unsubsidised total cost of ownership of an electric vehicle will fall below that of its petrol-fuelled rivals by 2022.
Lithium-rich brine evaporating in the sun©Cristóbal Olivares
Lithium-rich brine evaporating in the sun
Since cars came into mass-market use at the beginning of the 20th century, they have relied on lead-acid batteries that have changed little in their basic make-up since they were invented in 1859. “It’s only recently that lithium-ion has started to cannibalise lead-acid,” says Mark Newman, an analyst at Bernstein. “It takes a long, long, time . . . many years, for any new technology to become commercial, and many more years to catch up on the cost curve.” While there are other battery models in development, such as sodium-ion and magnesium-based technologies, lithium has emerged as the dominant one for the foreseeable future owing to its relatively low cost. Any new technologies are likely to take time to come to market at the scale needed for the automotive industry; for now, lithium has a head start.
Peter Bruce, a professor in the department of materials at Oxford university, believes that China will play a crucial role in driving down the cost of lithium-ion batteries as it steps up production of large-scale batteries for electricity storage, in the same way that Chinese supply helped bring down solar photovoltaic cell prices.
“For electric vehicles there isn’t really an obvious alternative in the medium-term — lithium-ion batteries will be the dominant technology,” Bruce says. “You will see improvements in driving range [the distance an electric car can travel without needing to recharge] and in charging times. We’re almost at a tipping point in the public’s acceptance of EVs [electric vehicles] — and if the costs can be brought down a bit more I think we’ll see quite a development.”
The accommodation built by SQM for its workers©Cristóbal Olivares
The accommodation built by SQM for its workers
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About 30 minutes drive from the city of Reno, Nevada, Tesla Motors is building the world’s biggest battery plant. The so-called “Gigafactory”, with a footprint of 5.8 million sq ft, or about 100 football fields, is set to cost $5bn. For Tesla’s chief executive Elon Musk, the investment is a bet on the mainstream potential of electric cars, as well as the likelihood of rising demand for household and commercial batteries that can store renewable energy, from solar to wind. When Musk unveiled the Model 3, the company’s first car priced for the top end of the mass market at $35,000, he said that to meet his target of producing 500,000 electric vehicles a year by 2018, “we would basically need to absorb the entire world’s lithium-ion production”.
For Chile, this should be good news. It contains half of the world’s most “economically extractable” reserves of the metal, according to the US Geographical Survey (USGS), and is the world’s lowest-cost producer, thanks to an efficient process that makes the most of the country’s climate. For lithium production, “Chile is like the gold standard”, says Brian Jaskula, a commodity specialist at the USGS. Yet, although it is perfectly positioned, with ports across the Pacific from the world’s largest car market, China, Chile is losing ground.
FREMONT, CA JANUARY 23, 2015. Scenes at the Tesla car factory include welders assembling various components. Photo by David Butow (Photo by David Butow/Corbis via Getty Images)©Getty
Electric-car manufacturer Tesla’s factory in Fremont, California
Almost all of the world’s lithium comes from just four countries — Chile, Australia, Argentina and China — while just four companies control most of the world’s supply: Sociedad Química y Minera de Chile (SQM), a fertiliser producer that began mining lithium in the 1990s; two US producers, Albemarle and FMC Lithium; and the Chinese producer Tianqi Lithium Industries. In Australia and parts of China, lithium is extracted from rock using traditional mining techniques, but in the so-called “lithium triangle” that extends through Chile, Argentina and Bolivia, the process relies mainly on the region’s relentless sunshine: brine is pumped out of wells beneath the desert and evaporated in large man-made pools. Dotted clear blue and green across the Atacama, they look like the scheme of some outlandish billionaire to build swimming pools in the desert. While the brine-extraction process is slow, it is generally a cheaper process than hard-rock operations, since the lithium is already isolated within the brine, and the sun does much of the work.
SQM, or Soquimich as it’s known in Chile, has built over 44 sq km of evaporation ponds. The company supplies almost all the major battery-material companies, which in turn produce parts for batteries that end up in electric cars.

Lithium: from desert to smartphone
1. Lithium-rich brine is extracted from natural underground wells in the salar, and pumped into a succession of solar evaporation ponds
2. Over a number of months, the sun concentrates the brine into lithium chloride, which is taken by truck to processing plants near Antofagasta
3. There it is processed into lithium carbonate and lithium hydroxide
4. More than 60 per cent of SQM’s lithium products are sold to battery customers in Asia, who use them in chemical mixes that form the cathode part of batteries
“Lithium you can find anywhere — the difference is how costly it is to take out,” says the site’s technical manager, Alejandro Bucher. He lists the facilities the company has to provide for workers in such a remote location, from a specially built hospital to sunscreen. The company also takes care of the flamingos who roam the outer fringes of the salar; staff know each bird by name, says Bucher.
Flamingos aside, Chile has long wrestled with how best to control its abundant natural resources. In the early 1970s, under President Salvador Allende, the country’s copper mines were nationalised, with US companies such as Kennecott, Anaconda and Cerro denounced for seeking quick profits. Copper miners were urged to “defend the revolution through more production”. SQM, which was founded in 1968 from a joint venture between a nitrate miner and a Chilean government agency, Corfo, with the aim of exploiting the Atacama’s rich nitrate deposits, was taken over by the state. But when Pinochet came to power in a coup in 1973, a plethora of state-owned companies were privatised under the influence of a group of Chilean economists nicknamed “the Chicago boys”, after the Chicago school of free market economics where many of them had studied.
Pinochet named his then son-in-law, a forestry engineer called Julio Ponce Lerou, as president of the agency supervising the privatisations. Ponce, who was already the regime’s representative on SQM’s board, led a group of investors in buying up the newly released shares in the company at prices far below market rates, according to Chilean investigators. Today, despite a series of controversies, Ponce still owns much of the business through a cascading series of holding companies, and is listed on the Forbes rich list with an estimated net worth of $1.4bn. In late 2014 he was fined almost $70m by the Chilean securities regulator for illegal share trading, with the regulator accusing him and three other executives of abusing their position of power over SQM. He is contesting those charges, but stepped down as chairman of the company in April 2015. In response to requests for comment, representatives of two of Ponce’s holding companies, Oro Blanco and Pampa Calichera, said they did not know how to reach him. Pampa Calichera also said he was no longer a director at the company.
The site’s technical manager, Alejandro Bucher©Cristóbal Olivares
The site’s technical manager, Alejandro Bucher
Ponce’s resignation came a month after SQM had fired its then chief executive, Patricio Contesse. The company said it found roughly $11m in payments of invoices from Contesse’s offices that “may not have been properly supported by services rendered or that may not qualify as tax expenses under the Chilean tax code”. The payments form part of a broader scandal that has engulfed Chile’s political scene over the past two years — the revelation of secret financing of political parties by a number of large companies using fake invoices. Directors from Canada’s Potash Corporation, the world’s largest fertiliser company and a significant shareholder in SQM, resigned in March last year over the company’s handling of the issue. Then, last month, a former presidential candidate named Pablo Longueira was put under house arrest, charged with receiving almost $1m from SQM. He has denied wrongdoing.
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The illicit payments scandal, and the involvement of major Chilean companies including SQM, has damaged the credibility of the country’s political system and set back its 20-year transition to democracy. “The country’s political institutions are at their lowest level of approval,” says Kenneth Bunker, a Chilean political scientist at the London School of Economics. It has also held up the development of the country’s lithium resources, with the relationship between SQM and the government becoming increasingly strained. The state has even threatened to revoke SQM’s lease to the lithium and potassium deposits in the Atacama, alleging that the company has underpaid the royalties due to the state under the terms of its contract. SQM believes that is has calculated and made the appropriate rental payments since it began selling lithium in 1997, and maintains that it has not committed any errors.
Julio Ponce Lerou facing the media in Santiago in March 2015, shortly before resigning as chairman of SMQ©Cristobal Escobar
Julio Ponce Lerou facing the media in Santiago in March 2015, shortly before resigning as chairman of SMQ
SQM also argues that it is being unfairly held back from producing more lithium by an outdated government regulation. In 1979, lithium was labelled a “strategic mineral” in Chile, in recognition of the fact that an isotope of the metal is used in nuclear fusion. The label stands to this day, despite the fact that the nuclear industry now uses an inconsequential amount of lithium. That means the government retains the rights to the lithium in the salar, which it leases out, in contrast to copper, where companies can obtain concessions that give them direct rights over the minerals in the ground. The nuclear commission also restricts the total amount of lithium that companies can produce through a quota; SQM can’t extract more lithium from the salar than it agreed in the terms of its lease with the government in 1993. This has led to the bizarre result of SQM pumping lithium back into the desert to avoid overshooting its quota, even as the price of the commodity has been rising.
Patricio de Solminihac, who was appointed as SQM’s new chief executive in March, says that without the government’s limits, the company could easily double its lithium production. “We are producing more this year, but our main constraint is the limits that we have from the government in our rent agreement,” he says. “I think that Chile has to decide what they think is best for the country. I personally think there is no reason in the lithium market or in the lithium industry to define it as a strategic material.”
An employee loading a one-ton bag of lithium at SQM’s processing plant near Antofagasta©Cristóbal Olivares
An employee loading a one-ton bag of lithium at SQM’s processing plant near Antofagasta
In 2014, Chile’s leftwing President Michelle Bachelet signed a decree ordering the establishment of a National Lithium Commission, raising hopes among investors that the country would open up its lithium business or perhaps relax the quota. But the commission said lithium’s status as a strategic mineral should be maintained, and recommended that the state develop the resource together with private companies. The government has since asked the state-owned copper miner Codelco to look into developing its two lithium deposits, although executives at the company say they have little interest in doing so.
“The commission recommended continuing to treat lithium as strategic as it’s sensitive. The salar is a whole system, not just lithium. So it recommended that the state have a more active role,” says Daniela Desormeaux, of consultancy SignumBox, who served on the commission. “Chile’s government is seeking to diversify away from its reliance on SQM to produce lithium,” says Ben Isaacson, an analyst at Scotiabank. “In our view, many of SQM’s issues will likely fade away when Julio Ponce cedes control.”
Eduardo Bitran, the head of the government’s economic development agency Corfo, is in charge of the lease agreements for Chile’s salar. He mourns the country’s loss of global market share, which he says has fallen from over half to 33 per cent, and is likely to drop further to 24 per cent in 2020. “Our leadership that we used to have, we lost very quickly,” he says. But he sees no chance of an agreement over the terms of SQM’s lease without Ponce exiting his ownership of the company, and calls its appointment of a new CEO “cosmetic”.
An overview of the Atacama lithium plant©Cristóbal Olivares
An overview of the Atacama lithium plant
“I think the most difficult problem now . . . is the big problem with SQM, in terms of the fact that they have been playing complex games in the Chilean political system,” Bitran says. “We, as the owner of the salar, want to make an alliance for the exploitation [of the Atacama] with companies that behave according to the rules and according to international standards in terms of corporate governance, in terms of compliance.”
Corfo seems to be doing just that. This year the agency signed a memorandum of understanding with the US producer Albemarle, the largest lithium producer in the world, to increase its right to extract lithium from a neighbouring but much smaller area of the salar. The memorandum also proposes an option for a separate quota to produce the form of lithium that Tesla uses, lithium hydroxide, directly from the desert’s brine.
Meanwhile, SQM has thrown a counterpunch. In early April it paid $25m for a stake in a lithium project in neighbouring Argentina. The country is emerging as a formidable competitor to Chile since the business-friendly President Mauricio Macri came to power six months ago. The message from SQM seemed clear: if the government would not increase its quota, it would produce more lithium by working with Chile’s rival instead.
Tesla’s 'Gigafactory', the world’s largest battery plant, under construction in Reno, Nevada, May 2015©Reuters
Tesla’s 'Gigafactory', the world’s largest battery plant, under construction in Reno, Nevada, May 2015
The Atacama, and the precious resources below it, are understandably politically sensitive. The historic role of Ponce and the recent scandals around SQM have cast a shadow over negotiations about the salar, even as the market for lithium products has boomed. As the world’s lowest-cost producer of lithium carbonate, Chile could play a role akin to Saudi Arabia in the oil market, a comparison that Corfo’s Bitran says he agrees with. He says the market should understand Chile is willing to produce more, although he doesn’t want to see a collapse in the price of lithium. Chile’s best strategy, he says, “is to keep prices in a reasonable range, keep the market happy with supply . . . give a signal to the automotive industry that we have enough supply and they can count on lithium batteries.”
As the world moves towards an electric future, raw materials are likely to play as important a part as oil did in the 20th century. The Atacama’s buried treasure highlights some of the unpredictable politics that continue to shape the broader market for lithium — as well as the potential for an emerging new order as the race to replace oil accelerates. If Chile cannot find a way to take advantage of the shift to a new set of resources, others will.
Henry Sanderson is the FT’s commodities correspondent
Photographs: Cristóbal Olivares; Reuters; Getty Images; Cristóbal Escobar/Agencia Uno
This article has been amended to correct the name of the US Geological Survey

Wednesday, August 10, 2016

Santa Fe Opera 2016


Editor’s Note: Watch for Terry Mathews’ travelogue of Northern New Mexico in September’s issues. She will review the operas, restaurants, art scene and, of course, all things O’Keeffe.
Santa Fe Opera House - USE THIS ONE - 6-30-16
Santa Fe’s spectacular “Crosby Theater” stands ready for this season’s guests.
SANTA FE, NM – “I’m very pleased to announce Santa Fe Opera’s 60th Anniversary Season, the programming of which underscores the company’s mission and honors its great traditions,” said General Director Charles MacKay during a news conference last May.Santa Fe Opera’s 2016 season offers 37 performances of five different operas, running from July 1 through August 27, and is filled with some of the world’s most powerful love stories.
The season opens with “La Fanciulla del West,” Puccini’s romantic portrait of the “Golden West” which tells a dramatic tale of love on America’s rugged frontier.
Mozart’s classically beautiful “Don Giovanni,” based on the legend of the great seducer Don Juan, and Samuel Barber’s twentieth-century masterpiece “Vanessa” both venture into the deep psychology of love defiled.
Strauss’ “Capriccio” philosophically examines love and art through its allegorical tale of two suitors, while Gounod’s “Roméo et Juliette,” the enduring operatic adaptation of Shakespeare’s immortal tragedy, plumbs the very depths of human emotion.
Things you should know:
Maestro
Emmanuel Villaume, entering his fourth season as The Dallas Opera’s music director, will conduct “La Fanciulla del West” in Santa Fe this summer.
La Fanciulla Del West: Giacomo Puccini
Dates: July 1, 6, 9, 15, August 2, 8, 13, 17, 23, 27
Sung in Italian with Opera Titles in English and Spanish.
First performed at New York’s Metropolitan Opera in 1910.
Last performed in Santa Fe in 1995.
A “spaghetti Western” tale of love, money, deceit, and forgiveness, “La Fanciulla del West” is an authentic take on America’s iconic Golden West, set to music by the composer of “Madame Butterfly” and “Turandot.”
Full of color and action – firing pistols, poker and whiskey – Puccini’s romantic portrait of the gold-mining frontier is inhabited by pitiless bandits, compassionate but rugged prospectors and one extraordinary saloon owner named Minnie.
Don Giovanni: Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
Dates: July 2, 8, 13, 22, August 1, 6, 10, 15, 20, 26
Sung in Italian with Opera Titles in English and Spanish.
First performed at Prague’s National Theatre in 1787.
Last performed in 2009. This is a new Santa Fe Opera production.
Based on the womanizer Don Juan of legend, and composed by one of the greatest composers of the eighteenth century, “Don Giovanni” is the story of a seducer who manipulates at least three women too many.
In Mozart’s alternately playful and terrifying drama, Don Giovanni’s unrelenting desire turns lives upside down until he finds that some of his sins are simply irredeemable.

Ailyn and Stephen - Dallas Opera - for Santa Fe Opera Piece - 6-30-16
Opera’s former “it” couple  Ailyn Perez and Stephen Costello will sing the title roles in “Romeo et Juliette” in Santa Fe. Costello
masterwork.
Spinning waltzes, dramatic choruses and fiery family rivalries form the epic backdrop against which our star-crossed lovers choose, in the face of parting with each other, to part with life instead.
Capriccio: Richard Strauss
Dates July 23, 27,  August 5, 11, 19
Sung in German with Opera Titles in English and Spanish.
First performed at Munich’s Staatsoper in 1942.
Last performed in 1993, this is a new Santa Fe Opera production.
An elegant and witty opera about opera with an incredibly lush score, “Capriccio” was the final composition by Richard Strauss and remains one of the most captivatingly sophisticated works in the operatic repertory.
This dueling love story which explores the aesthetic debate about whether words or music are more important received its American premiere at Santa Fe Opera in 1958.
Vanessa: Samuel Barber with libretto by Gian Carlo Menotti
Dates: July 30, August 3, 12,  18,  24
Sung in English with Opera Titles in English and Spanish.
First performed at New York’s Metropolitan Opera in 1958.
A new Santa Fe Opera production and a company premiere.
The Gothic account of a woman left broken-hearted by the lover who left her, Samuel Barber’s Pulitzer Prize-winning “Vanessa” is considered by many to be one of the most important American operas of the twentieth century.
Obsessively awaiting the return of a married man with whom she had an affair 20 years before, the aging but still beautiful aristocrat Vanessa lives in a world of secrets, deception and alternate realities. When a stranger arrives at the door, a new chapter begins.
Mainstage information:
Santa Fe Opera’s 2016 Season Performance Start Times: July 1-30, 8:30 p.m. – August 1-27, 8 p.m.
Cantina
The cantina on Santa Fe Opera’s grounds offers a buffet supper. Call the opera for reservations, as the dining space sells out quickly. 1-800-280-4654.
Prelude Talks
These lively and informative talks are offered in Stieren Orchestra Hall twice before most performances.
The first talk begins two hours before the performance and the second is one hour before.
Prelude Talks begin Saturday, July 2, and are free to ticket holders.
For best availability, we suggest attending the first one.
Prelude Talks are not offered on July 1 and during Apprentice Scenes performance evenings, Aug. 14 and 21.
Family Nights
Special performances of all five productions during the season are designated Family Nights
“La Fanciulla del West” on Saturday, July 9 and August 27; “Don Giovanni” on Friday, July 8 and Saturday, August 6; “Roméo et Juliette” on Saturday, July 16 and Friday, July 29; “Capriccio” on Saturday, July 23 and Friday, August 19; and “Vanessa” on Wednesday, August 24.
announced on his webpage Feb. 10 that he and Perez had separated. Earlier this year, they sang in The Dallas Opera’s production of “Manon.” (TDO Photo By Karen Almond)
Roméo et Juliette: Charles Gounod
Dates: July 16, 20, 29, August 4, 9, 16, 25
Sung in French with Opera Titles in English and Spanish.
First performed at Paris’ Théâtre Lyrique in 1867.
A new Santa Fe Opera production. A company premiere.
An ageless tragic tale of two 

Tuesday, July 5, 2016

HSJ BMA

Exclusive: Huge leak reveals BMA plan to 'draw out' junior doctors dispute

The strategy adopted by junior doctors’ leaders in their historic contract dispute with the government is revealed in a huge leak of more than 1,000 pages of private messages.
The revelations include:
  • The leadership of the British Medical Association’s junior doctors’ committee wanted to “draw this [dispute] right out” with “punctuated [industrial action] for a prolonged period” and tie “the DH up in knots for the next 16-18 months”.
  • JDC chair Johann Malawana told the group in December that the “best solution” might include playing out the dispute for so long that it would “force” the government “to impose [the contact] against our support”.
  • The strategy contrasts with public statements made by BMA leaders throughout the dispute asserting that the dispute could be resolved if the government was willing to negotiate. For example, on 23 February Dr Malawana said: “The government can avert this [strike] action by re-entering talks with the BMA and addressing rather than simply ignoring the outstanding issues and concerns junior doctors have.”
  • Despite protestations that the dispute was about “safety, not pay”, the issue of weekend pay was described late last year by a JDC executive member as “the only real red line” for junior doctors. This point was only finally conceded by the JDC on 7 May when it decided to re-enter negotiations.
  • However, Dr Malawana discussed conceding the weekend pay issue if the government increased the medical pay bill by £500m-£700m.
  • Although the BMA stated throughout the dispute it wanted to negotiate with the government, the leak reveals the JDC executive believed it “had nothing to talk about” as it was not willing to discuss weekend pay. This position only changed this month.
  • Dr Malawana told the group that the January round of talks overseen by the mediation service Acas and Sir David Dalton were “rubbish” and the JDC should only take part “to play the political game of always looking reasonable”.
  • Dr Malawana described the prospect of strike which involved the removal of emergency cover as “a vanity event for juniors” and warned against it.
The messages also:
  • Reveal divisions within the BMA, including two members of the JDC executive resigning earlier this month, and frustration with the overall BMA leadership including council chair Mark Porter.
  • Show decisions and discussion among the executive group do not show a left-wing bias
BMA response
Responding to the publication of the messages on Thursday, the BMA said the conversations date back over six months and “reflect the anger and frustration felt by junior doctors across the country due to the government’s refusal to listen to their concerns”.
Click here!
A spokeswoman added: “Private discussions should not be mistaken for the agreed strategy of the BMA junior doctors committee, which was communicated publicly.
“It is less what was said during the heightened atmosphere of the biggest dispute between junior doctors and the government for 40 years that matters. What’s important is what was done in order to reach a negotiated agreement and ensure that the long-term interests of patients and the NHS are protected.”
The exchanges seen by HSJ, stretching back to November, are the record of a WhatsApp messaging group for members of the executive group of the BMA’s junior doctors committee, which leads its policy and negotiations.
The dispute has seen strike action by junior doctors on 10 days over the past six months – on two of them there was a full walk-out including emergency care. Lost activity has cost NHS providers an estimated £65m, with around 29,000 operations and 113,000 outpatient appointments cancelled. Junior doctors will next month vote on a proposed contract deal struck earlier this month between the government and the JDC.
Plain time was a ‘red line’
The WhatsApp group was created by Dr Malawana as a platform for the JDC executive to informally discuss its approach. Some of the earliest messages address whether junior doctors might accept any contract which included pay on Saturdays being paid at the same rate as weekdays – known as plain time – which was a key ask of the government and employers.
This discussion came at the start of December, as a period of talks between the BMA and NHS Employers, on behalf of the government, was getting underway, to try to avert industrial action.
Dr Malawana asked his executive colleagues whether any deal including Saturdays at plain time might be accepted.
Several members replied to say that it would not.
Former JDC chair and executive member Kitty Mohan said: “It is the only real red line. It’s the thing 99 per cent of juniors told us they were upset about in August.” Arrash Arya Yassaee told Dr Malawana: “Bluntly, no.”
Dr Malawana agreed and said: “If you play out each course of action. Then fundamentally it comes down to the issue over plane [sic] time. But no combination or scenario in my mind gives us a contract juniors would buy that gives you Saturday as plane [sic] time.”
The JDC chair explained a proposed strategy of establishing “a high watermark” of agreeing elements of the contract on which the BMA and government could agree, and then entering a protracted period of “negotiations that are interspersed with” industrial action. This strategy was decidedly different from public statements by the JDC, which asserted that the dispute could be resolved quickly if the government was willing to negotiate.
Dr Malawana said: “I would think then we need to negotiate every other aspect of the contract. Get it all locked down to establish a high watermark. And then have a think about how you get rest agreed.
“It might be that we then have to use IA [industrial action] as a genuine tool once again. But we would do this in a series of negotiations that are interspersed with IA.
“The more I think about it the more I love our plan. Basically five weeks of headlines about juniors strikes through January and February.”
At this stage Dr Malawana said on WhatsApp that this was not the JDC’s formal policy. However, the strategy is referred to repeatedly in the following months.
On 15 December Dr Malawana proposes taking “a strategy that tied the DH up in knots for the next 16-18 months”.
As contract talks were stalling before the New Year he told the group: “The best solution may actually [be] to draw this right out. Into the Europe debate and leadership debate. Punctuated IA for a prolonged period and force them to impose against our support.”
On 4 January, as Salford Royal Foundation Trust chief executive Sir David Dalton took the lead for the employers’ side in resumed talks hosted by Acas, Dr Malawana told the group not to get “too concerned in the Acas rubbish. We need to play the political game of always looking reasonable”. He indicated he did not think the executive needed to pay as much time or attention to that Acas process as they had before the New Year.
Full walkout strike would ‘blow up in our faces’
On 5 January, as doctors prepared to take their first day of strike action, which saw them walk out from planned care only, Dr Malawana told the group of his fears over a full walkout.
Although he said the potential for it was essential for negotiations he expressed concerns to members of the WhatsApp discussion by saying: “Exec may not like to hear this but we need to somehow not get to a full walk out. It’s a vanity event for juniors. It’s going to blow up in our faces.”
On 15 January, after the strike, he told the group: “I don’t care about anything apart from extracting the best contract. Don’t give a shit about anything else.”
He continued: “We have told them they could offer to buy Saturday off us for £700million. But they would need to make that offer. Not expect it from us as we have no interest in the money. But if they seriously want Saturday it will cost about £500-700million.” He said this would equate to a 15 per cent pay rise.
Dr Malawana said on 18 January that he believed imposing a contract “would become too painful” for the government and would be “beyond stupid”. He added: “God if they do that it would be like manna from heaven.” He said: “We just need to remember to play the game out and be a trade union.” The government stuck firmly by its intention to impose a contract if no deal could be reached until the agreement was made with the JDC earlier this month.
Meanwhile, in February, when the BMA was developing plans for a judicial review challenge to the government’s decision to impose a contract, Dr Malawana told the executive this was being done by the BMA’s legal team. He added: “It is unlikely to be the magic bullet. But it will help to show our willingness to fight which is politically important both to members but also to the government.”
Putting everything back on the table
In March, at a time when the BMA and junior doctors were running a high profile campaign calling on the government – specifically health secretary Jeremy Hunt – to resume negotiations, the WhatsApp messages show the position of the JDC executive was not to compromise on its position of refusing to negotiate Saturday pay.
Executive member Aaron Borbora noted in the group that the BMA was calling for the government to return to talks: “But we currently have nothing to talk about even if they came back tomorrow.”
It was only at the end of April, following the full walkout strike and with the government still proposing to press ahead with contract imposition, that Dr Malawana asked the WhatsApp group whether the BMA should “put everything back on the table”, a reference to the possibility of negotiating all issues including Saturday pay.
He told the group: “Ok so if Hunt is simply not going to back down because he sees this as a chance to make a leadership bid by breaking a trade union, is our current aim of lifting imposition by a full front on attack the right one? Or should we trying something slightly different? Offer to talk about anything he wants as long as imposition is lifted and the end result is a contract that is not discriminatory and unsafe.
“Put everything back on the table. As it were.”
The first discussions in the group about conceding the issue of plain time Saturday pay took place at the start of May. This followed a call by the medical royal colleges for further talks, and the government stating it would take part and suspend the process of contract imposition, as long as Saturday pay was part of discussions.
On 5 May, ahead of a meeting of the full JDC to decide next steps, Conan Castles told the WhatsApp group: “Given that I was the only vote at the last JDC meeting to say that we should consider compromise on our position, I feel it’s worth being aware…we need to be careful that we don’t look like we are being ridiculous by going back on our vote [on negotiating Saturday pay] so notably.
“I still feel we should do it, I feel we should have done it a while ago, but please do be aware that JDC will look a bit confused if they change their minds so much on such a short period of time.”
On 6 May, the executive decided on the WhatsApp group to adopt a “cabinet responsibility” approach to its discussions with the full JDC, meaning they would all be required to support the executive’s positions in the meeting, even if they disagreed.
At the full JDC meeting the next day it decided to re-enter talks, including the possibility of Saturday pay. These ultimately led to the deal announced on 18 May, which included plain time across the weekend.
However, also on 7 May, the WhatsApp messages reveal, two members of the executive resigned, on what another member of the group described as a “difficult” day. The two members who resigned were Dr Castles and Charlotte Elliot.
Neither their resignations nor their reasons have been made public by the BMA.
The BMA needs a root and branch change’
Throughout the WhatsApp discussion, executive members make clear their dislike for the way the BMA overall was being run. One exchange exposes a clear division between the trainees and BMA council chair Mark Porter.
In November they discussed Dr Porter’s intention to join a meeting to discuss JDC’s options. Dr Mohan commented: “I remember what happened when he joined our meeting in September, can you encourage him not to try and sway us please?” She said that in previous negotiations, before Dr Malawana took over as JDC chair, “basically he [Dr Porter] tied Andrew [Collier] and my hands”.
Dr Malawana says: “Let’s face it. Mark is Mark I have spent nearly three months working around Mark so I totally know. But let’s play nice for now.” They agreed to reconvene the meeting after Dr Porter had left.
The next day Dr Malawana told the group he was concerned about the “desperation” of some in the BMA to make “any deal”.
In what he later described as a “slip of frustration”, and apologises to the group for, he said: “This whole process has absolutely convinced me the BMA is not lead in a proper way. The organisation. It needs a root and branch change to make it actually into an organisation that is much more focused on doctors.d
“I think the fault lies with everyone at the top of the organisation. We suffer from a lack of a clear leadership and a clear vision about a membership organisation should be about.”
In January Dr Malawana told the group he wants as many junior doctors as possible to stand for election to the BMA Council. He added: “I want to sweep the decks.” Executive members regularly criticised the BMA’s logistical support and communications team and refer to their own “guerrilla comms” efforts to get their messages to junior doctors.
Tackling the ‘infiltration problem’
The WhatsApp messages show the executive’s members hold a range of political views, motivated by genuine belief that contract proposals were bad for doctors.
This was in contrast to suggestions by the government and some media that the dispute was driven by left-wingers in the BMA who wanted to weaken the Conservative government.
In March the group executive discussed the possibility of its right-wing members making videos to explain their opposition to the government, to tackle what Dr Malawana described as the “infiltration problem” – a reference to the idea the BMA had been infiltrated by those with a politically motivated anti-government agenda.
However, the executive also debated a number of times how to manage the expectations of some BMA members who wanted strike action “at all costs”, because they were angry with the government.
On 29 April, as they discussed the possibility of compromising with the government, Arrash Arya Yassaee referred to a perception the JDC had been “radicalising members”. He said: “In reality it’s more the grassroots that are pushing JDC to take action and if anything JDC has been holding back.”
The executive also discussed concerns about safety and long working hours as well as pay. In November, Harrison Carter said: “Strongest case that we have is ensuring that all doctors are protected from working excessive hours that cause unnecessary fatigue and lead to unsafe conditions for patients. It is taking reckless risks with patient safety.”